Too Tired to Inspire or Be Inspired: Sleep Deprivation and Charismatic Leadership

Conger, Kanungo, and Menon (2000) define charismatic leadership
as inspiring followers through intellectual stimulation which
fosters an impression that the leader and their mission are extraordinary
(see also Bass & Avolio, 1993). Charismatic leaders instill
pride and respect (Avolio, Bass, & Jung, 1999), and foster an
image of remarkable competence (Yukl, 2006). Researchers note
that followers personally identify with those who have such “special
power” (Conger & Kanungo, 1998; House, Spangler, & Woycke,
1991). Charismatic leadership is associated with a broad range
of positive outcomes, including leader performance (Lowe,
Kroeck, & Sivasubramaniam, 1996) and retention (Jacquart &
Antonakis, 2015), organizational effectiveness (Wowak, Mannor,
Arrfelt, & McNamara, 2014), and outcomes for followers such as
job satisfaction, helping behavior, and job performance (Den Hartog,
De Hoogh, & Keegan, 2007; Lester, Meglino, & Korsgaard,

The emotional labor model of leadership posits that leader
emotional displays— both authentic emotional displays and emotional
displays that are manipulated through emotional labor—
influence follower affect and thus follower perceptions of leader
charisma (Humphrey, Pollack, & Hawver, 2008). Thus, affect
plays a central role in charisma. The sleep and emotion regulation
model (Barnes, 2012) notes that sleep deprivation undermines both
the experience of positive affect as well as the regulation of affect.
Thus, we contend that leader sleep is an important determinant of
charismatic leadership. Moreover, follower affective experiences
are important determinants of their perceptions of leader charisma
(Humphrey et al., 2008). Therefore, we posit that sleep deprivation
of followers will lower their positive affect as well, influencing
their judgment of leader charisma even beyond the effects of
leader characteristics.
Accordingly, the purpose of this paper is to extend the emotional
labor model of leadership (Humphrey et al., 2008) by drawing
from the sleep and emotion regulation model (Barnes, 2012). Thus,
our central research question is whether leader and follower sleep
influence charismatic leadership. Consistent with the view of charisma
as both a behavior and an attribution (Conger & Kanungo,
1998), we deem sleep deprivation as a hindrance to the leader’s
engagement in charisma and to the follower’s social judgment of
leader charisma. Specifically, as we detail below, we argue that
when either party (leader or follower) is sleep deprived, follower
attributions of the leader’s charisma deteriorates due to the leader’s
reduced positive affect and emotional labor (i.e., emotional display
required by given social/contextual norms; Hochschild, 1983) as
well as the reduced experienced positive affect of the follower. To

test our hypotheses, we conduct two laboratory experiments, manipulating
the sleep of leaders in Study 1 and that of followers in
Study 2.
Our study makes several contributions to the research literature.
First, we extend charismatic leadership theory as well as the
emotional labor model of leadership (Humphrey et al., 2008) by
adding the new antecedents of both leader and follower sleep.
Second, we extend theory on emotional labor by showing that
sleep can affect how leaders display and experience their authentic
and regulated emotions. Third, by showing how sleep influences
charismatic leadership, we provide a starting point for research
examining ways to improve leadership.

Leader Sleep, Affective Displays, and
Charismatic Leadership
As noted above, charismatic leadership is an attribution given by
followers which focuses primarily on perceptions of inspiration.
Conger and Kanungo (1987) note processes by which leaders can
appear charismatic, focusing on behaviors such as being assertive,
expressing self-confidence, displaying expertise, being unconventional,
and showing concern for follower needs. This can produce
a variety of outcomes for followers, such as acceptance of the
leader’s authority, follower trust in the leader, emulation of the
leader, and heightened goals of the followers (House & Baetz,
1979). A recently developed model of emotional labor and leadership
(Humphrey et al., 2008) indicates that affective displays and
experiences are important antecedents to perceptions of charismatic
In the emotional labor model of leadership, Humphrey et al.
(2008) note the importance of affective displays, which we define
as verbal and nonverbal expressions of positive emotion, such as
showing a smile or using a warm tone of voice (for more detail on
visual positive displays, see Grandey, Fisk, Mattila, Jansen, &
Sideman, 2005; for more on nonverbal positive displays, see
Laukka & Elfenbein, 2012). Central to the emotional labor model
of leadership is the display of positive affect, which is consistent
with several empirical articles noting the positive effect of leader
positive affect displays on perceptions of leader charisma (Bono &
Ilies, 2006; Damen, Van Knippenberg, & Van Knippenberg, 2008;
Erez, Misangyi, Johnson, LePine, & Halverson, 2008; Johnson,
2008). Humphrey and colleagues explicitly note that such positive
affect displays can occur through authentic expressions of positive
affect experiences, or through emotional labor. Morris and Feldman
(1996) define emotional labor as the effort, planning, and
control needed to express a specific emotion. Emotional labor
includes both surface acting and deep acting (Grandey, 2000,
2003). Surface acting entails modifying affective displays without
changing the underlying affective experience, whereas deep acting
entails modifying affective displays themselves to match a desired
display (Grandey, 2003). Thus, leaders can authentically display
positive affect, engage in deep acting to display positive affect, or
engage in surface acting to display positive affect, and any of these
can aid perceptions of charisma (Humphrey et al., 2008).
Empirical tests have started to show support for the propositions
in the emotional labor model of leadership. Damen et al. (2008)
conducted a laboratory experiment in which the display of positive
affect by a leader was manipulated, and observers attributed higher
levels of charisma to leaders displaying high versus low positive

affect. Johnson (2008) conducted a similar experiment, replicating
the key finding that leaders displaying high positive affect led to
attributions of high charisma by observers. In a field study, Erez et
al. (2008) found that positive affect displays by leaders were
associated with follower attributions of leader charisma. This is
consistent with a larger body of literature indicating the importance
of leader affective displays. Employees use affect as an
important source of interpersonal information (Van Kleef, van den
Berg, & Heerdink, 2015). Recent research highlights how leader
positive affective presence and expressions have beneficial effects
on team outcomes (Liu, Song, Li, & Liao, 2015; Madrid, Totterdell,
Niven, & Barros, 2016).
In short, the emotional labor model of leadership posits that
leader emotional displays— both authentic emotional displays and
emotional displays that are manipulated through emotional labor—
influence follower affect and thus follower perceptions of leader
charisma. However, Humphrey et al. (2008) are silent with regards
to the topic of sleep. Recent research indicates that leader sleep can
be an important antecedent of how leadership unfolds (Barnes,
Lucianetti, Bhave, & Christian, 2015). This research does not
consider the influence of sleep on the emotional labor of leaders;
however, there is a literature on how sleep influences the experience
and regulation of affect.
Barnes (2012) distilled research on sleep and affect into a model
of sleep and affect regulation. Central to this model is that sleep
deprivation lowers the experience of positive affect (Franzen,
Siegle, & Buysse, 2008; Pilcher & Huffcutt, 1996). Just as important,
the sleep and self-regulation model indicates that sleep also
influences the manner in which people regulate their affect. These
propositions have received support from neuroimaging evidence.
Two regions of the brain are especially important in the experience
and regulation of affect: the amygdala and the prefrontal cortex
(Beauregard, Lévesque, & Bourgouin, 2001; Ochsner et al., 2004).
The amygdala is the emotional center of the brain, and the prefrontal
cortex plays a role in regulating the experience of emotion.
Sleep physiologists have found that sleep deprivation changes
activity in the amygdala and alters the functional connectivity
between the prefrontal cortex and the amygdala (Chuah et al.,
Moreover, emotional labor is an effortful process that requires
people to override their natural experience of emotion to regulate
it through either surface or deep acting. Growing literatures in both
sleep physiology and management indicate that sleep deprivation
undermines self-regulatory processes (for a review, see Barnes,
2012). This is apparent in experimental research (Christian & Ellis,
2011) and field research (Barnes, Schaubroeck, Huth, & Ghumman,
2011), and applies to a variety of self-control based outcomes
such as cyberloafing, work engagement, and abusive supervision
(Barnes, Lucianetti, Bhave, Christian, 2015; Lanaj, Johnson, &
Barnes, 2014; Wagner, Barnes, Lim, & Ferris, 2012). Applying
this effect of sleep on self-control to the domain of charisma, we
posit that sleep deprivation will lead to low levels of surface and
deep acting.
Integrating these literatures, we hypothesize that leader sleep
deprivation will lead to low levels of leader positive affect, surface
acting, deep acting, and that these will in turn lead to low follower
ratings of leader charisma. In other words, experienced positive
affect, surface acting, and deep acting will mediate the effect of
leader sleep on charismatic leadership.

Follower Sleep, Affect, and Attributions of
Charismatic Leadership
As Conger and Kanungo (1998) indicate, leaders are only half of
the equation for charismatic leadership; followers are the other
half. Addressing this, the emotional labor model of leadership also
focuses on the affective experience of followers. Central to this
model is that follower affect is a key linking mechanism between
leader affect displays and subordinate perceptions. Leaders display
positive affect, which in turn positively influences the affective
experience of subordinates, which in turn influences subordinate
perceptions of leader charisma. In a series of empirical studies,
Bono and Ilies (2006) provide support for this contention.
Moreover, this is consistent with research on affect as information
(Clore, Gasper, & Garvin, 2001; Clore & Huntsinger, 2007);
when an individual experiences affect, s/he asks the question of
why s/he is feeling that way, seeking an attribution for the feeling.
We posit that this applies to the context of leadership as well.
Followers who interact with a leader and experience a high level of
positive affect will seek an explanation for their feelings. Research
in the charismatic leadership literature similarly indicates that
perceptions of leader charisma can be contaminated by factors
other than the leader’s behavior. An example of one such factor is
knowledge of performance outcomes, such that the same leader
behavior can produce high or low attributions depending on performance
outcomes (Agle, Nagarajan, Sonnenfeld, & Srinivasan,
2006; van Knippenberg & Sitkin, 2013). We posit that follower
positive affect will contaminate perceptions of leader charisma in
the same manner as performance. Finally, similar support for this
view comes from research on mood-congruent judgment (Mayer,
Gaschke, Braverman, & Evans, 1992). This research finds that
those who are in a positive mood will be more likely to see positive
attributes as likely. In the context of person perception, Mayer et
al. (1992) found that positive affect led participants to make more
positive attributions about others. Similarly, Forgas and Bower
(1987) found that happy people make more positive judgments
about others than do sad people.
As noted above, the sleep and affect regulation model indicates
that sleep deprivation reduces positive affect (Barnes, 2012; Franzen
et al., 2008). This applies to followers as well. The emotional
labor model of leadership indicates that through emotional contagion,
leader positive affect displays will influence followers’ experience
of positive affect, which will in turn influence follower
perceptions of leader charisma. It is worth noting that individuals
experiencing sleep deprivation notoriously underestimate the effects
of their sleep deprivation (Banks, Catcheside, Lack,
Grunstein, & McEvoy, 2004; Banks & Dinges, 2007; Van Dongen,
Maislin, Mullington, & Dinges, 2003). Thus, rather than attributing
their low levels of positive affect to their lost sleep, followers
will seek other attributions that are more salient such as their
leader. More specifically, we posit that there will be a tendency to

attribute that positive affect to the charisma of the leader. In
contrast, when a followers interacting with a leader and experiences
a low level of positive affect, there will be a tendency to
attribute the low positive affect experience to a lack of charisma on
the part of the leader.
Integrating our arguments above, we posit that sleep deprived
followers will experience low levels of positive affect, which will
in turn lead them to attribute low levels of charisma to their leader.
Accordingly, we posit that follower positive affect will mediate the
effect of follower sleep deprivation on follower perceptions of
leader charisma.
Hypothesis 3: Sleep deprivation of the follower will lead to
low follower perceptions of leader charisma.
Hypothesis 4: Follower experienced positive affect will mediate
the effect of follower sleep deprivation on follower
perceptions of leader charisma.
Overview of Empirical Studies
Van Knippenberg and Sitkin (2013) criticized the charismatic
leadership literature by questioning the causality of leadership
effects, positing that the insertion of perceptions of leadership’s
effects on the predictor side is problematic because it could also be
included on the outcome side. In addition, Pastor, Meindl, and
Mayo (2002) found that charisma attributions are related to patterns
of friendship ties within groups of followers. We conducted
two laboratory studies to test our hypotheses in controlled settings
to minimize the effects of other contextual variables (e.g., prior
performance outcomes or previous friendship ties).
Study 1 focused on the sleep of the leader, and Study 2 focused
on the sleep of the follower. In Study 1, we manipulated participants’
sleep and asked them to perform the role of a student body
leader delivering a speech in the commencement ceremony. Coders
blind to conditions watched these recordings and rated the
charisma of the leader. In Study 2, we manipulated participant’s
sleep as well; however, participants were assigned the role of
followers watching prerecorded speeches selected from Study 1.
Study 1: The Effects of Leader Sleep Deprivation on
Charismatic Leadership
Participants and Procedure
We recruited 88 business students (45 male, Mage  21.57
years) from a large Pacific Northwest university. We used the
same manipulation of sleep as Barnes, Gunia, and Wagner (2015).
Participants were assigned to one of two conditions. In the sleep
deprivation condition (n  43), participants completed short
hourly surveys starting at 10:00 p.m. and ending at 5:00 a.m. the
night before participating in the laboratory part of the experiment.
Participants in the control condition (n  45) did not do so.
Regardless of the assigned condition, the laboratory portion of the
study took place in the morning to minimize the effects of nonmanipulated
external factors such as time of day. Upon arrival in
the laboratory, participants completed a short survey indicating the
quantity of their last night sleep. Next, they were asked to play
the role of the student body leader who delivers a speech in the

commencement ceremony. Participants were given 15 min to
prepare for the speech and informed that their speech would be
videotaped. Finally, participants rated their own emotional labor.
Charismatic leadership. We recruited three research assistants
to rate charismatic leadership displayed in the videos. The
three observers watched all videos (Mvido length  175.68 seconds,
SD  76.02) in blocks of 20 to avoid fatigue. Observation of
videos was randomized across and within blocks. We informed the
raters that we had asked participants to play the role of a student
body leader and deliver a speech in the commencement ceremony,
and that the raters were to play the role of a follower evaluating
this speech. The raters were blind to condition. We measured
charismatic leadership using 4 items from idealized influence
factor in the MLQ-5X (Bass & Avolio, 1997). Rwg (.70), ICC[1]
(.37), and ICC2 values indicated sufficient agreement
among raters for a given video, providing justification for combining
the three ratings into an overall measure of charismatic
leadership for each video.
Experienced positive affect. We measured state positive affective
with 10 items from the Positive and Negative Affect Scale
(Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988). Examples items included
“enthusiastic,” “excited,” and “attentive” (  .93). Immediately
prior to their speech, participants conducted a self-evaluation of
the degree to which they experienced these states.
Deep acting and surface acting. We assessed the degree to
which leaders engaged in deep and surface acting in their speeches
with the scales developed by Grandey (2003). After delivering the
commencement speech, leaders were asked to indicate the extent
to which they engaged in deep and surface acting. Examples of the
three-item deep acting scale are “Tried to actually experience the
emotions I must show” and “Worked hard to feel the emotions that
I needed to show to others.” Examples of the five-item surface
acting scale are “Just pretended to have the emotions I needed to
display” and “Faked a good mood.” Coefficient alpha was .90 for
deep acting, and .89 for surface acting.
Sleep manipulation check. To ensure that our sleep manipulation
was effective, we asked participants to report how much
they slept the night before participating in the study (see Barnes et
al., 2011).
Control variables. We controlled for gender because the possession
of masculine characteristics can be beneficial for leadership
emergence (Fagenson, 1990; Kent & Moss, 1994), and female
leaders are rated high in charismatic leadership (Groves, 2005).
We also controlled for video length.
Results and Discussion
Means, standard deviations, and correlations for the key study
variables appear in Table 1. We conducted an independentsamples
t test to compare sleep quantity in the two conditions.
There was a significant difference in sleep between the sleep
deprived condition (M  286.74 min, SD  114.76) and the
control condition (M  401.67 min, SD  77.94; t(86)  5.52,
p  .01). This indicates that the sleep manipulation was effective.
To Test Hypothesis 1, we examined the impact of leader sleep
condition on ratings of charismatic leadership by conducting or

least squares (OLS) regressions. According to Hypothesis
1, leaders in the sleep deprived condition should be perceived as
less charismatic than the leaders in the control condition. All
control variables were entered in Model 1 to predict leader charisma.
In Model 2, we entered the sleep condition (control vs. sleep
deprived) as a predictor and found that leaders who were in the
sleep deprived condition were perceived as less charismatic
(B  .36 p  .01; see Table 2).
To Test Hypothesis 2, we conducted a parallel mediation analysis
(Hayes, 2013). Hypothesis 2 suggested that the effects of
leader sleep deprivation on charismatic leadership were mediated
by experienced positive affect (a), surface acting (b), and deep
acting (c). We found that the paths from leader sleep condition to
leader experienced positive affect (B  .09, p  .66) and from
leader sleep condition to surface acting (B  .07, p  .74) were not
significant; however, the path from leader sleep to deep acting was
significant (B  .51, p  .01). Moreover, the path from deep
acting to charismatic leadership was significant (B  .20, p  .05).
Bootstrapping procedures using 1,000 resamples revealed a significant
indirect effect of leader sleep on charismatic leadership
through deep acting (indirect effect.10; 95% CI [.26, .02],
but not via surface acting (indirect effect.001; 95% CI [.06,
.02]) or experienced positive affect (indirect effect  .004; 95%
CI [.10, .02]). Hypotheses 2a and 2b were not supported, but
Hypothesis 2c was. See Table 3 for the results. These findings
suggest that leader sleep influences charismatic leadership via
leader deep acting.1
Study 2: The Effects of Follower Sleep on Attributions
of Charismatic Leadership
Participants and Procedure
We collected data from 109 business students (47 male, Mage 
21.36 years) from a large Pacific Northwest university. We used
the same procedure to manipulate sleep as in Study 1. Participants
were assigned to the sleep deprived condition (n  51), or the
control condition (n  58). Participants in the sleep deprived
condition filled out hourly surveys through the night before participating
in the laboratory part of the experiment. They started
taking surveys at 10:00 p.m. and finished at 5:00 a.m. The laboratory
portion of the experiment was conducted in the morning to
minimize the effects time of the day on perceptions of charisma.
After arriving to the laboratory, participants filled out a survey
about their sleep the night before and their state positive affective
at the current moment. Next, they were instructed to play the role
of a follower who is observing a series of three leaders delivering
speeches (using videos from Study 1). Participants evaluated the
charismatic leadership of the speaker in each video immediately
after watching each one.
1 An anonymous reviewer suggested that we examine state negative
affect as an additional mediator. In supplemental analyses, state negative
affect was not a significant mediator. Moreover, including state negative
affect in the analyses did not noticeably change any of the other
effects in our model.

Follower attributions of charismatic leadership. We used
the same charisma scale as in Study 1. Based on the ratings of the
three research assistants in Study 1, we selected nine videos (three
videos at the mean of charismatic leadership, three videos which
were one standard deviation above the mean, and three videos
which were one standard deviation below the mean). These videos
had 5 male and 4 female leaders. Participants were randomly
assigned to view one video at the mean, one video above the mean,
and one video below the mean of charisma. We then averaged each
participants’ ratings of the three videos to create a measure of
charismatic leadership (  .93). Analyses of variance showed no
significant difference in charisma across the videos in the same
category. The three videos that were at the mean for charisma
ratings in Study 1 were not significantly different from each other
in charisma ratings in Study 2, with the same being the case for the
set of three that were below the mean and the set of three that were
above the mean. In other words, the three videos in a given
category were equivalent.
Experienced positive affect. We measured follower state
positive affect using the same scale utilized in Study 1 (  .94).
Sleep manipulation check. Using the same method as Study
1, we asked participants to report their sleep quantity.
Control variables. We controlled for follower gender because
individuals can prefer working with similar people (social identity
and self-categorization theory: Turner, 1982, 1991).

Results and Discussion
Means, standard deviations, and correlations for the key study
variables are presented in Table 4. We conducted an independentsamples
t test to examine the effect of the sleep manipulation on
sleep quantity. We found a significant difference in sleep for the
sleep deprived condition (M  277.64 min, SD  105.95) and
control (M  411.47 min, SD  71.42) conditions, t(107)  7.812,
p  .01. This indicates the manipulation had the intended effect on
follower sleep.
To Test Hypothesis 3, we used OLS regressions to investigate if
follower sleep influenced their attributions of charismatic leadership.
We entered follower sleep after entering the control variable.
The results suggested that followers in the sleep deprived condition
rated leaders as less charismatic than did followers in the
control condition (B  .24, p  .01; see Table 5). Next, we
tested Hypothesis 4 using Hayes (2013) methods for mediation.
Hypothesis 4 proposed that the effects of follower sleep on follower
attributions of leader charisma are mediated by follower
state positive affect. The results supported Hypothesis 4. Sleep
condition had a significant effect on state positive affect
(B  .61, p  .01). State positive affect had a positive and
significant effect on follower attributions of leader charisma (B 
.15, p  .05). Lastly, bootstrapping procedures using 1,000 resamples
revealed significant indirect effects of follower sleep condition
on follower attributions of leader charisma through the
mediator of follower state positive affect (indirect effect  .09;
95% CI [.21, .01]. See Table 6 for the results. These findings
suggest that follower sleep influences follower perceptions of
leader charisma via state positive affect.2
General Discussion
The present investigation allowed us to reveal the pathways
through which sleep deprivation of both the leader and the follower
inhibited attributions of charismatic leadership. We found
that leader sleep deprivation reduced the charismatic leadership via
reduced deep acting, and follower sleep deprivation lowered fol-
2 As with Study 1, an anonymous reviewer suggested that we examine
state negative affect as an additional mediator. In supplemental
analyses, state negative affect was not a significant mediator. Moreover,
including state negative affect in the analyses did not noticeably change
any of the other effects in our model.

lower attributions of leader charisma via reduced follower state
positive affect. Moreover, our finding that follower sleep deprivation
reduces follower attributions of leader charisma seems to
suggest that it is more difficult for leaders to inspire sleep deprived
Our findings contribute to the charismatic leadership, emotional
labor, and sleep literatures. This includes an extension to the
emotional labor model of leadership to include sleep as a new
antecedent. With this extension, we know not only that the experience
and displayed affect of leaders influences perceptions of
charisma, but that sleep is an important driver of charisma through
these emotion-based processes. This is a useful development given
that the charismatic leadership literature has largely focused on
outcomes of charisma, and less on what drives the emotional
processes that are involved.
Our research has clear implications for practice. In order to
avoid being perceived as less charismatic by their employees,
leaders should reduce not only their own sleep deprivation but also
that of their employees. Such efforts not only benefit their own and
followers’ neurocognitive and physiological functioning, but also
their organizational effectiveness. Barnes (2011) and Barnes and
Spreitzer (2015) provide some recommendations for improving

sleep in organizations that are relevant to these findings. For
example, individuals can minimize the use of smartphones late at
night (Lanaj et al., 2014), and consume caffeine (Welsh, Ellis,
Christian, & Mai, 2014) to mitigate the effects of sleep deprivation
on behaviors. Organizations can also change work-unit policies in
a manner that lessens the prevalence of sleep deprivation (Barnes,
Jiang, & Lepak, 2016).
Organizations can also aim at increasing the level of state
positive affect across leaders and followers, and consequently
influence follower perceptions of leader charisma. Leaders should
not only engage in deep acting to induce their own and followers’
positive affect, but also reduce the awestruck effect (Menges,
Kilduff, Kern, & Bruch, 2015) by encouraging employees to
experience and express their positive affect. Such efforts would
cultivate a positive affective tone for the work group, enhancing
group effectiveness (George, 1990).
Our approach to testing our hypotheses had strengths that aid the
confidence one can take in our findings. First, by conducting our
research in a laboratory setting in which we manipulated sleep, we
avoided potential confounds produced by individual differences in

the need for sleep. Second, we studied charisma in a manner in
which charisma ratings could not be polluted by knowledge of
performance outcomes, as is often the case in research on charismatic
leadership (van Knippenberg & Sitkin, 2013).
Nevertheless, our empirical approach still had some noteworthy
limitations. Following previous research on charisma (Antonakis,
Fenley, & Liechti, 2011; Awamleh & Gardner, 1999), we adopted
a speech task and a speech evaluation task to test our hypotheses.
Although researchers have found that leaders can display emotions
via speeches, and followers make inferences about leader traits and
dispositions based on their displayed emotion (Keltner & Kring,
1998), charisma can be demonstrated via different interpersonal
behaviors. Our laboratory study had a restricted range of behaviors
compared with a more realistic setting. This may have made it
more difficult to detect the effect we investigated, such that we are
underestimating the strength of the effect. Another reason that our
effects may be a conservative estimate is that we did not measure
charismatic leadership both before and after sleep deprivation.
Thus, there are between-participants sources of noise that lower
our ability to detect the hypothesized effects. Finally, we utilized
the most commonly used measure of emotional labor (Grandey,
2003). However, this measure does not focus on the display of
positive affect specifically. The emotional labor literature indicates
that in most contexts, positive affect displays are the most prevalent
(Diefendorff & Richard, 2003), which is perhaps why this
measure does not specify more precisely the valence of emotional
labor displays. Future research should more specifically measure
the content of emotional labor displays.
Our research included a set of laboratory experiments in which
sleep was manipulated. In our approach, we did not follow the
same individuals over time, nor track any changes over time.
Although we did change the sleep (and affect-related variables)
between individuals with our manipulation, showing changes
within-individuals would further highlight the dynamic aspect of
these relationships. We encourage future researchers to advance
our ideas even further by taking a longitudinal approach with
multiple iterations of measurement. Especially compelling would
be field research which takes a diary design, enabling the investigation

of daily sleep on attributions of charismatic leadership.
Johnson, Venus, Lanaj, Mao, and Chang (2012) provide a useful
example of such a research design in the context of leader charisma.
Given our findings showing that sleep influence charismatic
leadership, it is reasonable to expect that these relationships may
play out in a dynamic manner. It may be that the same leader is
more charismatic after a good night of sleep and less charismatic
after a short night of sleep. This is an important topic for further
study. Moreover, it suggests that there may be other dynamic
antecedents of charismatic leadership, perhaps including moodrelated
In our research, both leaders and followers were included in
both studies. However, we manipulated leader and follower sleep
in separate studies. We had no a priori predictions for any moderated
effects that include the interaction of leader sleep and
follower sleep, and therefore did not design our studies to detect
such an effect. Nevertheless, if future researchers do develop
theory explaining an interaction between leader sleep and follower
sleep, then a different design in which both are orthogonally
manipulated in the same study would make sense.
Additionally useful would be future research which examines
related constructs in the impression management domain. Turnley
and Bolino (2001) discuss the primary impression management
tactics of ingratiation, self-promotion, exemplification, supplication,
and intimidation. Positive affective displays may indeed be
useful in some of these impression management tactics. In others,
different affective displays may be more likely. For example, the
impression management tactic of intimidation includes displaying
anger. Moreover, previous research indicates that sleep influences
social desirability (Barber, Barnes, & Carlson, 2013). Sleep may
have interesting and differential effects across different impression
management tactics.
Future research should consider other effects of sleep deprivation
on leadership. Our focus has been on charismatic leadership,
and Barnes et al. (2015) examined sleep and abusive supervision.
Researchers may also find that sleep deprived leaders suffer decrements
in other forms of leadership as well. Similarly, future
research should consider how the related topic of circadian processes
influence leadership, perhaps focusing on circadian mismatches
(e.g., Gunia, Barnes, & Sah, 2014) as a detriment to
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    Received June 15, 2015
    Revision received March 28, 2016
    Accepted April 6, 2016